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| Ram Puniyani |
Ram Puniyani
When on this (14th
April 2013) anniversary of Dr. Bhimrao Babasaheb Ambedkar, we pay tribute to his
yeomen services towards the cause of social justice and bringing to fore the
values of democracy; we also need to think as to how his dream and vision of
annihilation of caste can be taken further. Where do we stand in this direction
six decades after the Independence and after the formal implementation of
Constitution of India, which gives us the values of Liberty, Equality and
Fraternity?
Caste has been the major
marker of Indian, particularly Hindu, society. While world over the serfs were
under the bondage of feudal lords, we had religiously ordained system of
Varna-Jati (Caste). Many theories of caste prevail, the racial theory, superior
Aryans versus the natives, now stands debunked. The hypothesis of Morton Klass
argues that it was a way of adjusting of tribal to the system of production,
which generated surplus. This understanding indicates towards the understanding
that caste evolved with the particular system of production in India. Kosambi
looks at origin of caste as being due to the continuous process of fusing of
tribal into general society. The major contribution to the understanding of
genesis of caste comes from Ambedkar as per whom caste-varna came into being
due to ideological-religious factors. According to him caste system came into being
as the result of ideologies of Dharmshatras, which was part of Brahmanism.
In Indian society the
interesting point is that caste is prevalent not only amongst Hindus, it also
prevails in other religious communities. The difference being that amongst
Hindus, the caste is prescribed in the holy books, while in other religious
communities; it is a social phenomenon, like Ashraf, Ajlaf and Arzal amongst
Muslims and different denominations amongst Christians and Sikhs. The first
challenge to caste system came from Lord Gautam Buddha, who talked of Samta,
equality. This concept of Samta, equality became very popular and was accepted
by large number of people till Buddhism was attacked and wiped out from India
in eighth century by those who wanted to restore the varna-caste. During
medieval period the Bhakti saints in particular talked against and questioned
the system of graded inequality, but their voice though a powerful articulation
of the plight of the low caste, remained just an expression of pain and sorrow
of the poor, and was strongly opposed by Brahmin clergy.
The rule of Muslim Kings
and British did not change the social structure of the subcontinent, though
during British rule due to the industrialization and introduction of modern
education, the caste system started being questioned, opposed and socially
challenged. The edifice of caste started loosening up. During the rule of
Muslim kings the social structure remained intact. With the British rule the
half way process of industrialization and modern education came in. At the same
time the caste-varna also continued on the side, though its legitimacy started
being questioned in a more serious way. In the changed situation starting form
Jotirao Phule the movements for caste abolition found grounding in society,
though they were not able to uproot the phenomenon of caste in the full
measures as the feudal production system ran side by side with the process of
modernization. The process of secularization, abolition of the hold of landlord
and clergy, remained incomplete and so the process of caste transformation
remained half way through.
All the struggles started
by Ambedkar aimed for social justice, social equality and democratic values. He
led the movements like Chavdar Talab, for right to have access to public
drinking water, Kalaram Mandir, right to enter temples and also the burning of
Manusmriti, as symbolic of the rejection of religiously ordained caste
hierarchy. The resistance to these led to his conclusion that he had to leave
the Hindu fold, which is dominated by Brahmanical values of Varna. The social
political base to his movements was provided by the national movement, which
was aspiring for throwing away the British colonial power and also struggling
for democratic values. Here Ambedkar rook off from this movement, but the
national movement was not adequate to give him total social justice as this
movement also had upper castes in good measure. So here we see the dilemma of
Mahatma Gandhi versus Ambedkar. Gandhi was not able to go beyond the limits
posed by the participation of all castes in freedom movement. He kept talking
of varna system in a more refined form while taking up cudgels against
untouchability.
Gandhi also opposed the separate
electorate, provided by communal award of MacDonald in 1932. The Poona pact
between Gandhi and Ambedkar led to the reserved Constituency and the provisions
of reservations for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Ambedkar’s vision
was that reservations and inter-caste marriages will be steps towards
annihilation of caste. Today both these face serious obstacles on social
ground. The rigidity of caste is increasing and inter-caste marriage is facing
serious obstacles from conservative forces. While freedom movement led by
Gandhi was half way conceding to the needs of dalits, the other ideology, the
one of religious nationalism was waiting in the wings with the concept of Hindu
Rashtra, Hindu nation. Ambedkar did realize that acceptance of religious
nationalism, formation of Pakistan on that ground will be a disaster for dalits
as it will pave the way for Hindu Rashtra, the slavery of dalits. Today while
most of the commentators are attacking Gandhi, they need to focus more
attention to the impact of the politics and ideology of Hindu religious
nationalism, which is a major obstacle to caste abolition today.
The reservations for dalits
led to newer caste equations. On one hand the section of rising middle class
stood to oppose these reservations, tooth and nail. The anti reservation
violence has been witnessed in the Gujarat in particular in 1980s. Also since
the overall development process is not accommodative of all, the inner
competition for reservation has led to a strange situation where different
communities are vying for status as a particular reserved category. The overall
future for the youth is dismal and it gets reflected in the form of movements
for particular castes getting recognized in this or that category. The other
major obstacle to caste transformation is the politics of Hindutva. On one hand
it talks of Samajik Samrasta (social Harmony), that all castes should have
harmony amongst them. The Hindutva’s concept of ‘Integral Humanism’ emphasizes
on different castes continuing their professions for smooth social functioning.
The social engineering by religious political forces is co-opting the low caste
through various mechanisms, to the extent of using them as foot soldiers of
their anti minority violence. A section of dalits also is influenced by the
process of Sanskritization, aping at upper caste and imitating them for their
future trajectory. As a logical corollary; the cultural mechanisms, the TV
serials, the preaching’s of hoards of God men are promoting the values of
Manusmiriti in a more sophisticated form.
At the same time a serious
layer of progressive and dalit intellectuals are trying to restore the core
values and principles of struggles against caste-varna. The situation today is
very complex and caste as a social phenomenon is far from extinct. Today’s
political scenario is a conflict between the values of democracy on one hand,
and the values of religious nationalism; the politics representing the defense
of caste and gender hierarchy; on the other. The process of social equality;
caste annihilation and values of democracy need to be brought in through a
fresh series of multilayered struggles for a truly democratic society. That
alone will be a tribute to the life and work of the legend of this great
visionary, Bhimrao Babsaheb Ambedkar.
--
Issues in Secular Politics
response only to ram.puniyani@gmail.com
Contents of the article rest on the author.
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