Monday, April 9, 2012

دو نخست وزیر، یک تست برای رهبری ...؟


اما آزمون از رهبری برای نخست وزیر سینگ و زرداری رئیس جمهور در پیش روست، دکتر محمد MANZOOR علمAlam.


پس از حملات 26/11 در مومبای، در سال 2008 روابط هند و پاکستان بود یخ زده است.
یخ شروع به ذوب با پاکستان اعطا مورد علاقه اکثر ملت 

(MFN) وضعیت در هند، که به معنی افزایش قابل توجهی در تجارت دو جانبه است.

سفر رئیس جمهور عارف علی زرداری به dargah Ajmer خواجه Moinuddin Chishti به پیوندهای عمیق فرهنگی شبه قاره سهام، اوراق قرضه که نشکن نمادین است، اما نیاز به تقویت بیشتر می شود. این هم یک گام به جلو بعد از وضعیت MFN است.


حرکت به گرمی توسط مانموهان سینگ، نخست وزیر و دبیر کل کنگره راهول گاندی متقابلا در ناهار PM سازماندهی برای آنها شد.
گنجاندن بلاول بوتو زرداری در همراهان ریاست جمهوری از روی علاقه به یاد سرخ پوستان از بی نظیر بوتو 19 ساله همراه پدرش نخست وزیر ذوالفقار علی بوتو در اجلاس Shimla چهار دهه قبل با خانم ایندیرا گاندی.
هند و پاکستان اغلب پیدا کردن آن مشکل با یکدیگر زندگی می کنند، اما آنها همچنین می دانیم که آنها نمی توانند بدون یکدیگر زندگی می کنند. بسیار بین آنها مشترک است که آنها باید یاد بگیرند با تفاوت های خود زندگی می کنند، در نهایت وجود دارد. با امیدواری، فرایند یادگیری را آغاز کرده است.
نگه داشتن روح از لحظه ای در نظر، هند بیش از حد سخت موضوع سید حافظ را فشار دهید، در آنها ایالات متحده اعلام کرده است جایزه 10 میلیون دلار است.
در همان روح و معنا، پاکستان بیش از حد بود موضوع Samjhauta انفجار اکسپرس، که منجر به کشته شدن بسیاری از پاکستانی ها و مسلمانان هند را فشار دهید نیست.


اقدامات ایجاد روابط حسنه و تنش زدایی و اعتماد سازی برای هند و پاکستان همچنان نقش تاریخی خود در سارک و فراتر از بازی.


تا کنون، خیلی خوب. سخت تر کار را دوست دارد پیش به عنوان دیدار مانموهان سینگ، نخست وزیر پاکستان به دعوت رئیس جمهور زرداری است. مسائل مربوط به سخت تر مانند Siachen، سر نهر و مخوف "K" مسئله در جدول آمده است. مرزی با تروریسم خواهد بود که کمتر دلهره آور است.


بهترین مسیر برای تعمیق روابط و همکاری را تقویت خواهد شد، بدون گرفتن مسائلی که مخالف اجماع در این مرحله از تاریخ گرفتار. همکاری، تعارض نیست پاسخ 

است. گرم در

दोनों प्रधानमंत्रियों ने नेतृत्व के लिए एक टेस्ट मैच ...?


लेकिन प्रधानमंत्री मनमोहन सिंह और राष्ट्रपति जरदारी के लिए नेतृत्व की कसौटी पर आगे झूठ, टिप्पणियाँ डॉ. मोहम्मद मंजूर आलम है.


मुंबई में 26/11 के हमलों के बाद, 2008 में भारत - पाकिस्तान संबंधों पर जमे हुए थे. बर्फ पाकिस्तान सर्वाधिक पसंदीदा राष्ट्र प्रदान (MFN) भारत, जो द्विपक्षीय व्यापार में पर्याप्त वृद्धि का मतलब है पर स्थिति के साथ पिघलना शुरू हुआ.


राष्ट्रपति आरिफ अली जरदारी अजमेर ख्वाजा मोइनुद्दीन चिश्ती की दरगाह यात्रा गहरे सांस्कृतिक उपमहाद्वीप के शेयर, बांड बांड कि अटूट हैं प्रतीकात्मक है, लेकिन आगे मजबूत करने की आवश्यकता है. यह भी MFN स्थिति के बाद एक कदम आगे है.


इशारा गरमी से लंच प्रधानमंत्री उनके लिए आयोजित किया गया था प्रधानमंत्री मनमोहन सिंह और कांग्रेस महासचिव राहुल गांधी से reciprocated है.


राष्ट्रपति घेरा में बिलावल भुट्टो जरदारी के समावेश प्यार 19 वर्षीय बेनजीर भुट्टो की याद दिला दी शिमला श्रीमती इंदिरा गांधी के साथ चार दशकों के पहले शिखर सम्मेलन में उसके पिता प्रधानमंत्री ज़ुल्फ़िकार अली भुट्टो के साथ.भारत और पाकिस्तान अक्सर एक दूसरे के साथ रहने के लिए मुश्किल लगता है, लेकिन वे यह भी जानते हैं कि वे एक दूसरे के बिना नहीं रह सकते हैं. वहाँ उन दोनों के बीच इतना आम है कि वे अपने मतभेदों के साथ रहते हैं, अंत में सीखना है. उम्मीद है कि सीखने की प्रक्रिया शुरू हो गई है.देखने में पल की भावना को ध्यान में रखते हुए, भारत भी मुश्किल हाफिज सईद के मुद्दे पर प्रेस नहीं था, जिस पर अमेरिका के एक $ 10 लाख के इनाम की घोषणा की है.


एक ही आत्मा में, पाकिस्तान भी समझौता एक्सप्रेस विस्फोटों, जो कई पाकिस्तानियों और भारतीय मुसलमानों की हत्या का मुद्दा नहीं प्रेस किया.


मेल - मिलाप और विश्वास बहाली के उपायों के लिए भारत और पाकिस्तान के लिए जारी रखने के लिए सार्क और परे में उनकी ऐतिहासिक भूमिका निभाते है.


अब तक तो अच्छा है. कठिन काम आगे पसंद के रूप में प्रधानमंत्री मनमोहन सिंह ने राष्ट्रपति जरदारी के निमंत्रण पर पाकिस्तान का दौरा किया. सियाचिन, सर क्रीक और खूंखार "कश्मीर मुद्दे की तरह अधिक कठिन मुद्दों मेज पर आते हैं. सीमा पार से आतंकवाद कम चुनौतीपूर्ण नहीं होगा.


बेहतरीन पाठ्यक्रम के लिए संबंधों को गहरा करने और सहयोग को मज़बूत करना मुद्दों है कि इतिहास के इस स्तर पर आम सहमति को धता बताने से फंस गया हो रही बिना, हो जाएगा. सहयोग, नहीं संघर्ष जवाब है.


Translated from the original writing in English.

اثنين من رؤساء الوزراء، اختبار القيادة؟

لكن لاختبار القيادة لرئيس الوزراء سينغ وزرداري الرئيس ينتظرنا، تعليق الدكتور محمد منصور علم.


بعد هجمات 26/11 في مومباي، في عام 2008 كانت العلاقات بين الهند وباكستان المجمدة. وبدأ الجليد لتحسن العلاقات مع باكستان التي تمنح الدولة الأولى بالرعاية (MFN) حالة في الهند، وهو ما يعني زيادة كبيرة في التجارة الثنائية.


زيارة الرئيس عارف علي زرداري إلى دارغا أجمر من خواجة معين الدين تشيشتي رمزية من السندات الثقافية العميقة أسهم شبه القارة، والسندات التي هي غير قابلة للكسر، ولكنها تحتاج إلى مزيد من التعزيز. وهذا هو أيضا خطوة أخرى إلى الأمام بعد أن وضع الدولة الأولى بالرعاية.


وبالمثل بحرارة لفتة من قبل رئيس الوزراء مانموهان سينغ والكونغرس الأمين العام راهول غاندي في حفل الغداء رئيس الوزراء نظمت لهم.


إدراج بيلاوال بوتو زرداري في حاشية الرئاسية وذكر باعتزاز الهنود من بنازير بوتو في 19 عاما من عمره يرافق والدها رئيس الوزراء ذو ​​الفقار علي بوتو في مؤتمر القمة شيملا مع السيدة انديرا غاندي قبل أربعة عقود.


الهند وباكستان غالبا ما تجد صعوبة في العيش مع بعضهم البعض، ولكنهم يعرفون أيضا أنهم لا يستطيعون العيش من دون الآخر. هناك الكثير جدا مشترك بين لهم أن عليهم أن يتعلم كيف يتعايش مع خلافاتهم، في نهاية المطاف. ونأمل، وبدأت عملية التعلم.


الحفاظ على روح لحظة في الرأي، الهند لم يضغط من الصعب جدا في مسألة سعيد حافظ، وأعطيه أعلنت الولايات المتحدة مكافأة قدرها 10 مليون دولار.


وبنفس الروح، وباكستان أيضا لم تضغط على قضية تفجيرات قطار سامجهوتا السريع الذي أسفر عن مقتل العديد من الباكستانيين والهنود المسلمين.


التقارب وتدابير بناء الثقة يجب أن تستمر للهند وباكستان للعب دورهم التاريخي في الرابطة وخارجها.


حتى الآن، وذلك جيد. صعوبة العمل قدما كما يحب رئيس الوزراء الهندي مانموهان سينغ يزور باكستان بناء على دعوة الرئيس زرداري. قضايا أكثر صعوبة مثل سياتشن، سير كريك واللعين "ك" قضية تأتي على طاولة المفاوضات. وعبر الحدود الإرهاب لا تقل صعوبة.



وسوف يكون أفضل مسار لتعميق العلاقات وتقوية التعاون، دون التورط في القضايا التي تتحدى إجماع في هذه المرحلة من التاريخ. التعاون وليس الصراع هو الجواب.

Zwei Ministerpräsidenten,Testen Sie für Führung?

Aber der Test der Führung von Premierminister Singh und Präsident Zardari vor uns liegt, kommentiert Dr. Mohammad Manzoor Alam.

Nach den 26/11 Anschläge in Mumbai im Jahr 2008 indisch-pakistanischen Beziehungen eingefroren hatten. Das Eis fing an, mit Pakistan die Übertragung der Meistbegünstigungsklausel (MFN)-Status auf Indien, die erhebliche Zunahme des bilateralen Handels bedeutet aufzutauen.
Präsident Arif Ali Zardari Besuch im Ajmer dargah von Khwaja Moinuddin Chishti ist symbolisch für die tiefe kulturelle Bindungen dem Subkontinent Aktien, die Bande, die unzerbrechlich sind, müssen jedoch weiter gestärkt werden. Dies ist auch ein Schritt weiter nach dem MFN-Status.


Die Geste wurde sehr herzlich von Premierminister Manmohan Singh und Kongress Generalsekretär Rahul Gandhi am Mittagessen die Uhr für sie organisiert und herbewegt.
Bilawal Bhutto Zardari die Aufnahme in den Präsidentschafts-Entourage liebevoll erinnerte Indianer des 19-jährigen Benazir Bhutto begleitete ihren Vater Premierminister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto an der Shimla-Gipfel mit Frau Indira Gandhi vor vier Jahrzehnten.
Indien und Pakistan finden es oft schwierig, miteinander zu leben, aber sie wissen auch, dass sie nicht ohne einander leben. Es gibt so viel Gemeinsames zwischen ihnen, dass sie lernen, mit ihren Unterschieden zu leben, schließlich haben. Hoffentlich hat der Prozess des Lernens begonnen.


Halten Sie den Geist der Zeit im Blick, Indien nicht zu fest drücken die Frage des Hafiz Sayeed, auf denen die USA einen $ 10.000.000 Kopfgeld angekündigt.


Im selben Geiste, Pakistan auch nicht drücken Sie die Frage der Samjhauta Express Blasten, die viele Pakistaner und indische Muslime getötet.


Annäherung und vertrauensbildende Maßnahmen müssen für Indien und Pakistan weiterhin ihre historische Rolle in der SAARC und darüber hinaus zu spielen.


So weit, so gut. Härter arbeiten gerne vor, wie Premierminister Manmohan Singh besucht Pakistan Präsident Zardari auf der Einladung. Weitere schwierige Themen wie Siachen, Sir Creek und dem gefürchteten "K"-Ausgabe auf den Tisch kommen. Grenzüberschreitende Terrorismus wäre nicht minder gewaltig.


Die beste wird sein, Beziehungen zu vertiefen und stärken die Zusammenarbeit, ohne zu verzetteln, indem Themen, die Konsens trotzen in diesem Stadium der Geschichte. Die Zusammenarbeit ist nicht in Konflikt die Antwort.

Two Prime Ministers, Test of Leadership?

The test of leadership for Prime Minister Singh and President Zardari lies ahead, comments DR MOHAMMAD MANZOOR ALAM.

After the 26/11 attacks in Mumbai, in 2008 India-Pakistan relations had frozen. The ice began to thaw with Pakistan conferring the Most Favoured Nation (MFN) status on India, which means substantial increase in bilateral trade.

President Arif Ali Zardari’s visit to the Ajmer dargah of Khwaja Moinuddin Chishti is symbolic of the deep cultural bonds the Subcontinent shares, the bonds that are unbreakable, but need to be further strengthened. This is also a step further after the MFN status.

The gesture was warmly reciprocated by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Congress General Secretary Rahul Gandhi at the luncheon the PM organised for them.

Bilawal Bhutto Zardari’s inclusion in the presidential entourage fondly reminded Indians of the 19-year-old Benazir Bhutto accompanying her father Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto at the Shimla summit with Mrs Indira Gandhi four decades ago.

India and Pakistan often find it difficult to live with each other, but they also know that they cannot live without each other. There is so much common between them that they have to learn to live with their differences, ultimately. Hopefully, the process of learning has begun.

Keeping the spirit of the moment in view, India did not press too hard the issue of Hafiz Sayeed, on whom the US has announced a $ 10 million bounty.

In the same spirit, Pakistan too did not press the issue of Samjhauta Express blasts, which killed many Pakistanis and Indian Muslims.

Rapprochement and confidence-building measures have to continue for India and Pakistan to play their historic role in SAARC and beyond.

So far, so good. Harder work likes ahead as Prime Minister Manmohan Singh visits Pakistan on President Zardari’s invitation. More difficult issues like Siachen, Sir Creek and the dreaded “K” issue come on the table. Crossborder terrorism would be no less daunting.

The best course will be to deepen relations and fortify cooperation, without getting bogged down by issues that defy consensus at this stage of history. Cooperation, not conflict is the answer. 

Saturday, April 7, 2012

Edicts (Fatwas), fracturing marriages in an un-called manner.


By Shafee Ahmed Ko

Greatly respected Islamic seminary Darul Uloom Deoband has come out with yet one more “fatwa” ruling in a divorce valid if an inebriated husband pronounces “talaq” in “Sharia” laws. Although he repents gaining his folly, the Seminary says he cannot re-establish marital rights since such divorce has become consummate. On the other hand few of the elite moderate thinkers in Islam are crisscrossed with such edict from Deoband Seminary, and they feel such statute is unfounded in Holy Quran and Ahadees, exegesis Prophet Muhammad.

The Indian media both print and electronic went overboard indulging in hype with tell tale stories of “fatwas” from Darul Uloom Deoband as running always in rampant.

In a close analysis, a brochure penned by Moulana Mufti Mohammad Mustafa Miftahi,Qazi-e-Shariat,Choru,Rajastan,India (First edition:1987:Published by All India Personal Law Board,Khanqah,Monghyr, 811201,Bihar,India) reveals, and few of their ways out are quoted as reference. These are amidst several stipulations, or demanded formula for an Islamic divorce in the aforesaid brochure.

Page 9: ISSUE NO.6 reads as follows:

“At the time of pronouncement of divorce the presence of, listening or acceptance of the wife or her relative is not necessary. If the husband alone pronounces “talaq” in a lonely place, then also the separation is effected. In the same way, if the wife is present, whether she listened or not, whether she kept quiet or refused to accept, the divorce in all these conditions comes into operation.”

Page 10: ISSUE NO.11

“If a man divorces his wife under the influence of intoxicants like toddy or liquor, the divorce is valid and takes effect”

In the wake of conflicting edifices originating one from the Deoband, on the other side the moderate thinkers in Islam such as A.Faizur Rahman from Chennai (South India) a strong critique against the proponents of dissolving marriage with an instant divorce, with triple pronouncement in single sitting, has come out in  an article written in a renowned daily “The Hindu” (April 4) that the “fatwa” was “Bad in law and theology as it was not based on the Koran and authentic pronouncement of the Prophet. He further went a step ahead to say, “Muslim institutions must understand that Koranic ontology revolves around the principles of justice, fairness and equity, and therefore any law that contravenes or abridges the rights arising out of these standards of ethics automatically becomes unacceptable. But the continued refusal of the Muslim patriarchy to see reason makes it imperative to analyse the procedure of talaq in the Koran to expose the illegitimacy of some of their fatwas.The Koran has dealt with the issue of talaq at length in chapters 2,4,65 namely Al-Baqara, Al-Nisa, and Al-Talaq”

Almost from four decades, the moderate thinkers in Islam, Asghar Ali Engineer, late Ko.Rafeeque Ahmed, an advocate from Ambur, V.M.Khaleelur Rahman, and many more have been vociferously writing and, sponsoring against the instantaneous divorce to fracture healthy marriages.

Towns such as Ambur and Vaniyambadi,in the State of  Tamil Nadu, India have the self established Sharia courts to decide the divorce matters with self styled judges and jurists, again these scholars are mostly the breeds of Deobanad Madarasas(School of thoughts) besides the Kangaroo courts prevailing either in the locale (Mohalla) “Jamaat” or the mosque “Muthavallis” (care takers). Such care takers known as “Muthavallis” are mostly from affluent sort, with scant knowledge of Holy Koran, as well Ahadees.

On the other hand the pragmatic system of government courts has an appellant court so that an aggrieved person goes for an appeal lest the lower courts have ended in a flawed judgement. But the aforementioned Sharia courts are self styled and no appellant Sharia courts are to in the near vicinity, and the verdicts pronounced by these “Moulanas” become an inevitable sentence. 
Recently the Muslim Law Academy-Tamil Nadu,Chennai Zone conducted a seminar in view that Islamic law in India be codified within the frame work of Koran,Sunna,Ijma and Qiyas.Eminent scholars such as  Asghar Ali Engineer, a sitting Judge, Honourable Justice G.M.Akbar Ali, M.Abdul Rahman, a Member of Parliament participated in a large gathering.The writer of this article has reported on this seminar in a popular Muslim webmagazine,”Twocircles.net” under the head, “Seminar on codification of Islamic Law held in Chennai”:
 An interesting but regrettable fact that is invariably  seen as elsewhere in the mosques, every Friday the congregational  sermon, the large hearers are witnessed but they all remain as captive audience, mostly graduates “Moulanas” of Deoband Seminaries being captivated mostly by them but such discourses are mostly forgotten  until next Jumma prayer falls in. More fairly to say an obsessed mass is witnessed every Friday, keeping it a weekly (weakly) as a  ritual. 
There is cry and call now from the moderate thinkers in Islam that a concerted and cooperative effort should counterbalance the evils of wrong decisions taken against Holy Koran and Ahadees.  They feel the need of hour is  to launch the best possible way to teach the Holy Koran and Ahadees from the tender age of children from the suitable teachers who have the proper perspectives of Islam,Ahadees and Sharia, and and should be man of practice.It is their general feeling that Holy Koran has to be followed in letter and spirit, instead keeping it as a relic.

 

Wednesday, April 4, 2012

The January night Raisina Hill was spooked: Two key Army units moved towards Delhi without notifying govt

The Indian ExpressUpdated: Wed, 4 Apr 2012 14:03 IST
By Shekhar Gupta with Ritu Sarin and Pranab Dhal Samanta
 
This is a story you would tell with extreme care and caution. But it so starkly characterises the current state of top-level politico-military relations that it is a folly to keep it under wraps, as the entire establishment has tried to do for a full 11 weeks now.


It has also taken this team of The Indian Express reporters that long to establish the story and the dramatic developments during, say, about 18 very difficult hours on January 16-17 earlier this year.

While many, including the spokesmen for the defence establishment, say it was much ado about nothing (see box), it is a story of a most unusual night when Raisina Hill was spooked as never before in peace time.


Essentially, late on the night of January 16 (the day Army Chief General V K Singh approached the Supreme Court on his date of birth issue), central intelligence agencies reported an unexpected (and non-notified) movement by a key military unit, from the mechanised infantry based in Hisar (Haryana) as a part of the 33rd Armoured Division (which is a part of 1 Corps, a strike formation based in Mathura and commanded by Lt Gen. A K Singh) in the direction of the capital, 150 km away.

Any suspicion was still considered much too implausible, but lookouts were alerted as a routine step. This was part of a protocol put in place in June 1984 when some mutineers from Sikh units had moved towards the capital in the wake of Operation Bluestar.

The lookouts confirmed the movement of what looked like a sizeable unit. It was soon identified as an entire unit of Mechanised Infantry, with its Russian-made Armoured Fighting Vehicles (AFVs), carried on 48 tank transporters. The movement was towards the capital, which was odd.

No such thing had been notified. The Army Day celebrations had ended just the previous day (January 15).
It was still a cause for curiosity and some confusion — more than much concern — because, over the decades, New Delhi has come to be totally relaxed and trustful of the apolitical and professionally correct nature of its military leadership.

The situation changed rapidly, though. Reports came in of yet another military movement “towards” Delhi. This unit was identified as a large element of the airborne 50 Para Brigade based at Agra.
The lookouts were activated south of Delhi as well and the column was identified.
By this time, both columns were being tracked and “watched”. A bemused establishment raised an alert of sorts. The Defence Minister was informed. Immediately, the Centre put in motion an old contingency plan to delay just such a move.

It issued a terror alert with instructions to police to carefully check all vehicles on the highways leading to Delhi. The objective was to slow down traffic. The Prime Minister was informed at the crack of dawn on January 17. Quiet checks carried out on the location and status of key formations and their commanders, particularly in the northwestern region, revealed nothing abnormal at all. Defence Secretary Shashi Kant Sharma was asked to cut short his visit to Malaysia. He returned.

After the briefing, he opened his office late at night and asked Lt Gen. A K Choudhary, Director General Military Operations, to see him and explain what was going on. Gen. Choudhary, it seems, knew about the move of the Paras (the Para Brigade is controlled directly by the DGMO) and said it was a routine exercise.
He was asked to return with full facts about the mechanised unit. This he did soon enough. The explanation was still the same: the Army was carrying out exercises to check its ability to make quick deployments of key units during fog. He was told to send the units back immediately. Both formations were halted, and sent back within hours.

The mechanised unit, sources said, had parked itself at an industrial park near Bahadurgarh abutting West Delhi’s Najafgarh. The Paras were staying put in the barracks of an artillery regiment — 79 Medium —not far from Palam.

The Army's explanation that it was all a simple fog-time exercise was then viewed with scepticism at the highest level. The question: Why was the well-set protocol, that any military movement, at any time, in the NCR (National Capital Region) has to be pre-notified to MoD (Ministry of Defence) not followed?
The Army’s justification for the specific movements did sound plausible though. The mechanised units, they said, were checking out their ability to move and deploy rapidly in fog, should a contingency arrive. It could not have driven westwards (towards Ferozepur or Fazilka) as that would have alarmed Pakistan since the move had not been notified to them.

There was a more elaborate explanation for the paratroopers’ movement. The mandated time for the Agra-based Paras to get airborne in an emergency is just two hours. It was simpler when they were transported by aircraft based “in situ”, at the same military complex in Agra.

The new designated transport for them is the faster, bigger and brand new C-130J Hercules. The IAF has based the C-130s at Hindon, across the Yamuna, east of Delhi. Since fog lifts in Agra much later (11.30 am) than at Hindon (8.30 am) in January, the Army was checking out the possibility of transporting the paratroopers to Hindon by road to “marry” them with the C-130s, rather than wait for the planes to land at Agra, and thereby save time.

In the process, the Army said, they discovered many glitches. These are now being ironed out. For example, it was found that the shoulder-fired missiles, standard equipment with Para units, were stored not in Agra, as decided several years earlier, but at Bharatpur as was the case originally.

So the columns were delayed by that detour and the stop at Bharatpur to pick up their missiles, and thereby also forced to take a longer route to Delhi. The good lesson learnt: all of the Paras’ equipment must now be based where their home is, at Agra.

But this was questioned too. Did the mechanised units have to come as far as the outskirts of Delhi to check out their readiness? And Hindon is a long distance from Palam/Gurgaon. Even on a reasonable day, an Army convoy might take longer moving from here to Hindon given the snarls on Outer Ring Road and NH-24, than if only it had crossed the Yamuna at Agra itself and driven through Uttar Pradesh, parallel to GT Road. Why was the IAF not informed of this exercise? Again, the Army’s explanation is they did not want to hold an elaborate exercise involving the IAF etc, or cause alarm.

The government also noted the fact that the C-130s were not even in Hindon then. They were in Jaisalmer, rehearsing at their staging base for the Republic Day flypast. Yet another reason some in the government were curious was that between Army Day (January 15), and Republic Day (January 26), when so many Army units are involved in parades, such exercises are rare, particularly around the capital.

The Indian Express has had detailed conversations with key people and sources at the very top of the political, civil and military leadership. There is unanimity over General V K Singh’s impeccable reputation as a sound, professional soldier, earned over nearly 42 years of distinguished service to the Army. Nobody is using the “C” word to imply anything other than “curious”. All else is considered an impossibility.
But so strained has the political-military relationship been these weeks, that nothing is easily dismissed as a routine misdemeanour. The timing — the Chief’s petition on his date of birth was filed on the morning of January 16 — did not help.

Sources speak of confusion and unease in the government. To be fair, the MoD’s considered view now seems to be that it was a false alarm, caused by some non-adherence to Standard Operating Procedures (SoPs) by the Army and an alarmist civil/political reaction on a particularly distrustful day.
We learn, however, as a consequence, that certain “important correctives” have been put in place. Incidentally, the Home Ministry has turned down the Army Headquarters’ recommendation (subsequent to the events of January 16/17) to appoint Lt Gen. Choudhary as D-G Assam Rifles, the paramilitary force it controls.

These are the bare facts of an unusual set of events. It is too early to answer all the ‘hows, whys and the what-nexts’ of this. Or to say whether it was an avoidable case of neurosis the Indian establishment is — mercifully — not familiar with.

These facts may indeed be officially denied for now. But these will be debated for a long time, forcing the UPA to introspect on its mismanagement of the delicate civil-military relationship, bruised as it is now by charges of corruption, bribes and bribe offers and indiscipline. These will also have a bearing on the future course of higher defence organisation and control in India.

(Ajmer Singh contributed to this report)
 
What Happened
 
* On Jan 16, an entire unit of mechanised infantry based in Hisar with its fighting vehicles began moving towards Delhi. It parked near Najafgarh
* Sizeable section of the Agra-based 50 Para Brigade also moved to near Palam
* Both were stopped and ordered to be moved back

What Army says
 
* These were exercises to check effectiveness in fog
* Troops moved towards Delhi, not outward, westward since Pakistan hadn’t been notified
* The Paras were being moved to check out possibility of their “marrying” with the C-130s in Hindon

Unanswered questions
 
* Why wasn’t Ministry of Defence notified?
* Did the units have to come so far towards Delhi?
* Why was the IAF not informed?

Baseless reports, says Ministry of Defence
 
Defence Ministry spokesperson Sitanshu Kar:
“Such reports are completely baseless and we categorically deny the same.”

Army does not deny movement: Routine training
 
Maj Gen S L Narasimhan, Additional Director General, Public Information, did not deny the movements, but said these were routine.

“These were routine training at the formation-level to check the effectiveness of mobilisation as per Standard Operating Procedure of local formations. Almost all units of the Army carry out a number of such training at different times of the year.”

* Asked if mobilisation from the two cantonments were authorised, Narasimhan said: “Such routine training does not need authorisation.”

* Why were the troops suddenly called back? “Once the effectiveness of the mobilisation was checked, the troops were called back as per Standard Operating Procedure.”

* When was the last time that troops were moved on this scale? “Even formation-level (higher than this scale) mobilisation practices are carried out routinely.”

* Asked if the Ministry of Defence sought written reports from the commanders, Narasimhan said: “No such explanation has been asked by the MoD.”

Courtesy:http://www.indianexpress.com/news/the-january-night-raisina-hill-was-spooked-two-key-army-units-moved-towards-delhi-without-notifying-govt/932328/0

Power hike: Jaya announces subsidies



Chennai: Under attack from political parties for the steep hike in power tariff, Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Jayalalithaa on Tuesday announced subsidising part of the increase for domestic consumers.

Making a suo motu statement in the state Assembly, Jayalalithaa said the present move will benefit 1.5 crore families and announced an additional subsidy of Rs 740 crore to the Tamil Nadu Electricity Board taking the total subsidy allocation for the department this year to Rs 4294.16 crore.

She said domestic consumers consuming 100 units for two months will have to pay Rs one per unit as against Rs 1.10 announced in the revision last week.

"Domestic consumers consuming upto 200 units for two months will need to pay Rs 1.50 as against Rs 1.80" announced by the Tamil Nadu Electricity Regulatory Commission last week.

Similarly, domestic consumers using between 201 to 500 units will have to pay Rs two against Rs three for first 200 units and Rs three against Rs 3.50 from 201 to 500 units.

Jayalalithaa's announcement was welcomed by ruling benches amid thumping of desks even as opposition DMDK, DMK earlier staged a walkout after Speaker D Jayakumar denied permission to discuss the issue.
The government move was necessitated following public demand for a rollback of power tariff hike though the state government did not have the powers to withdraw the revision as it was announced by TNERC involving the public in the consultation process prior to the hike, she said.

Jayalalithaa maintained that financial mismanagement in the previous DMK regime had pushed the TNEB into a debt trap and this government was already taking steps to set right both the financial health of the department and implement more power generation projects.

The TNERC had announced a 37 per cent hike in the power tariff to fetch an additional Rs 7,874 crore and bail out the electricity board which is in the red.

Courtesy :PTI

Army chief seeks more time to file complaint with CBI



Aman Malik & Sahil Makkar


Army chief Gen. V.K. Singh has sought more time to file a detailed complaint with the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) on an alleged bribe offer from a retired army officer.
“A case of bribery will only be registered once we have a detailed complaint from Gen. Singh,” said a CBI official on condition of anonymity.

The army chief said in a recent interview to The Hindu newspaper that he was offered a bribe of Rs.14 crore by a retired army officer to clear a batch of trucks.

Gen. Singh’s revelations set off a spate of allegations from various quarters over defence deals.
Following the interview, defence minister A.K. Antony ordered a CBI inquiry into the army chief’s allegations. Though the agency is yet to register a case in the bribery matter, it registered a corruption, cheating and criminal case on 30 March against UK-based Vectra group and its chairman Ravinder Rishi for alleged financial irregularities related to the supply of trucks to the Indian Army.

CBI also named officials of the state-owned BEML Ltd in its first information report.
The agency questioned Rishi for the third time on Tuesday at its headquarters. CBI officials say they have evidence against Rishi and his presence is required to corroborate information that has came up during investigations. The agency is now planning a joint interrogation of defence ministry, BEML and Vectra group officials.

CBI is also awaiting sanctions to start an investigation against BEML chairman V.R.S. Natarajan in a separate case.

Rishi and Natarajan could not be immediately reached for a comment.

Meanwhile, on Tuesday, Ranjan Mukherjee, general manager, Ural India Ltd—a competitor of Tatra Vectra Motors Ltd, a joint venture between the UK-based Vectra group and Czech firm Tatra Trucks—claimed that Ural’s trucks were never considered by the army.

The army conducted field trials of Ural’s trucks on several occasions in 2004, 2006 and 2009, according to defence ministry documents reviewed by Mint.

Gen. Singh was the eastern army commander when the trials involving Ural India were conducted in 2009 by the same command.

“Perhaps, this (the fact that Ural’s trucks were not selected) was because of pressure from our competitors,” said Mukherjee. “There was no flaw in our trucks.”

Mint could not independently verify Mukherjee’s claims or determine whether any other company was involved in the said trials.

Defence minister Antony had sought an inquiry into alleged irregularities in a deal to buy trucks for the army as far back as in 2009, the government said on Friday.

Antony had in October 2009 asked the defence production secretary to “look into the various issues” raised in a complaint against BEML, which has a collaboration with Tatra Vectra, the defence ministry said in a statement on Friday.

aman.m@livemint.com

http://www.livemint.com/2012/04/03221336/Army-chief-seeks-more-time-to.html?atype=tp

Tuesday, April 3, 2012

End the Uncertainty, Please

 By Dr.Mohammad Manzoor Alam
New Delhi April,03 2012

Dr Mohammad Manzoor Alam on the dangerous drift in the country following Gen. Singh’s indiscretions.

A strange situation is developing in the country following the army chief’s uncalled for remarks and unprecedented moves that one of India’s leading publications has rightly called “Gen. Singh’s war on India.”

Even Gen. Cariappa, India’s first army chief, despite his familiar audacity, would have stopped short of going to the extent Gen. Singh has chosen to go.

The first principle regarding the armed forces in a democracy is that it will be subordinated to the civilian authority in war and peace. The founders of the US Constitution saw to it that the armed forces belonged in the barracks or on battlefield, not in the public square. The same holds true for India, the largest democracy.

The way Gen. Singh tried to publicly confront the defence minister, and with him the prime minister, and the nation as a whole, would have occasioned summary dismissal. We all remember how the bright US commander in Afghanistan, Gen. McChristal was summarily dismissed by President Obama for his indiscrete remarks.

The inadequate preparedness of the army should not have been made public at a time when the Chinese supreme leader Hu Jintao was in Delhi. Now Gen. Singh is saying that somebody else leaked his letter to the PM, but the fact is that all that had been the talk of the time since weeks.

Gen. Singh has pointed fingers towards Lieut. Gen. Suhag, the former chief of military intelligence. The poor guy is already retired.

One of the most serious aspects of this unseemly episode is the rumour circulating in Delhi’s power corridors that the army had bugged the Defence Minister’s office and was snooping on Mr Antony. That is the worst that an army could do in a democracy. Again, we are told that this was the doing of Gen. Suhag, who had retired already. This mischief must be investigated quickly.

As far as the Rs. 14 crore bribe offer to Gen. Singh is concerned, it does not look credible, because in a weapons deal this is peanuts. This amount is less than $ 3 million, which is unconvincingly small.

To understand it better one should remember the volume of bribe money alleged to have changed hands in Bofors or HDW deal. Of course, nothing was proved and nobody suffered for wrongdoing, but the alleged bribe money many many times more.

Although Antony’s public posture was most immature and wimpish during the peak of the crisis, so far this man has kept a clean image. He is unimpressive and unstatesmanlike in crucial moments, but he cannot be faulted for not making a knee-jerk reaction to the bribery charge and gone into a fit of frenzy. He has the priviledge not to act quickly where quick action is not required.

All said and done, the government should clear the widespread feeling of uncertainty in the country and make a public announcement on the issue to reassure our people. It is normal for mature democracies for their head of state or government to come forward and personally address the people on TV, radio and / or newspapers. That should settle the issue.


Dr.Mohammad Manzoor Alam is a  writer,Chairman Institute of Objective Studies (IOS), and General Secretary All India Milli Council.The contents of the article are his own. www.iosworld.org

Friday, March 30, 2012

Sri Lanka’s Muslims: Caught in the crossfire…

By Aziz A. Mubaraki,

During much of the 25-year war in Sri Lanka, attention was focussed on the altercation between the majority Sinhalese and the largest minority Tamils. The views of the country’s Muslims, who constitute about 9 per cent of the population and see themselves as a separate racial group, have largely remained overlooked. Understanding their role in the conflict and addressing their political ambition are essential if there is to be a lasting peace resolution.

Atrocities of LTTE on Muslims

For centuries, the Muslim community has been scattered around Sri Lanka living in co-existence with the other two main ethnic communities (Sinhalese and Tamil) with very close socio-economic interactions among them. For years Muslim and Tamil children attended the same school but took different roles in cultural displays and sporting events. However as the ethnic crisis developed into armed conflict with Tamil youth taking to arms and the LTTE (Liberation of Tamil Tigers for Eelam) being formed, it became apparent that in the early eighties, in the east of Sri Lanka, there was a conflict of interest between Muslims and Tamils. Whilst this was initially at a manageable and political level, it slowly disintegrated in 1990 as the LTTE massacred worshippers in a mosque in Batticaloa and other attacks on Muslim civilians.

But before this, Muslims and Tamils had been traditionally included into local life as mutually supporting communities. There were Muslim traders, tailors, iron mongers, laborers and scholars. The Muslims in Jaffna had lived next to each other and therefore densely occupied a small part of this town. As part of the arena of culture and scholarship, Muslims formed an important part of the historic University of Jaffna. But when the development of districts took place in sixties and seventies, it hit the Muslims harder economically. A number of Muslim youth thus became convinced of Tamil militant ideology and joined the LTTE's military wing. In several Muslim villages and towns the LTTE opened its branch offices and was gradually gaining popularity amongst certain sections of the Muslim community. But soon this development received a setback when Tamil-Muslim riots broke out in April 1985, apparently over an incident in the town of Mannar in the north where three Muslim worshippers were said to have been gunned down by Tamil militants inside a mosque.
Following the above 1985 riots the LTTE changed its approach towards Muslims and unleashed some of its most ferocious acts of savagery on the innocent Muslims of Polonnaruwa in the Northeastern and Kattankudy and Eravur in the Eastern provinces.

 Tens and hundreds of Muslim men, women and children were massacred in their homes, fields, markets; the entire Muslim population of Jaffna in the north were evicted from their homes at gunpoint and turned into refugees overnight. They are still living in camps without any hope of returning to their places of birth. In short, the LTTE seems to have erroneously decided on a mission of ethnic cleansing in the Tamil districts. As a result of this mistaken strategy the LTTE lost all sympathy it had within the Muslim community and the animosity between the Tamils and the Muslims became widest.

Thus changing it all, on the 23rd of October 1990, Muslims were given an “expulsion ultimatum” merely 24hrs to exit from the so called ‘Tamil land’ by leaving all their possessions behind”. Armed LTTE cadres had gone round every village and handed over letters from their district leaders forcing the chief trustees /Imams/religious heads of all mosques to read out the letters over loud speakers. The letters ordered all the Muslims to vacate their respective villages within 48 hours and hand over all their belongings such as vehicles, radios, sewing machines, water pumps etc to LTTE cadres at a particular village school.

 They said the orders were from the LTTE high ranks and anyone trying to disobey shall be eliminated. After the deadline the armed cadres came round to push the Muslim residents out of their homes: men, women and children were herded through a narrow passage and, at the point of exit from the village they were bodily searched for ill-gotten gains. Metallic cutters were used to remove jewelleries that could not be easily removed, and each family was only allowed to take about 200 rupees (5 US dollars at that time). In some cases, the Muslims were not even allowed to change their clothing. All possessions of the Muslims were deemed by the LTTE to belong to Tamil Eelam.

The Muslims from other parts of the Northern Province (Mullaitivu and Kilinochchi) suffered the same fate as well. Approximately 95,000 men, women and children were expelled. (For details please refer to UTHRJ; Report 6, Chapter 3, andhttp://jaffnamuslims.lk) But this incident has been largely gone from the chronicles of the Sri Lankan conflict. Even the successive governments have failed to provide sufficient support to the displaced Muslims who find themselves in a political wilderness, without much of a voice, despite having representation in the government. Problems with education, proper shelter and sanitation plague the camps and so the displaced people were dependent on tedious jobs or handouts from generous donors or the government and charitable organizations.

Muslims didn’t agree with ceasefire of 2002

The 2002 ceasefire agreement (CFA) was dissatisfaction to many Muslims. They had no self-decisive representation at the peace talks, and many feared that any accord that gave the LTTE un-restricted control of the north and east, even in a centralized arrangement, would be critically damaging to their own welfare. Despite talks between Muslim leaders and the LTTE, they continued to suffer brutal attacks. Since the recommencement of large-scale military action in mid-2006, Muslims have again been caught up in the fighting in the east. Dozens have been killed and thousands displaced. Memories of LTTE cruelty are still fresh and bitter disputes with Tamils over land and resources remain compelling in the east. It is important to know that Muslims have never resorted to armed insurgency to assert their political position, although some have worked with the security forces, and few were members of early Tamil militant groups. But Muslims, mostly remained determined to peacefully channeling their annoyance through the political process by negotiating with the government and Tamil militants at different times.

 But there is no guarantee that this obligation to non-violence will be maintained, predominantly given the frustration visible among younger Muslims in the Eastern region. In some areas there are Muslim armed groups but they are small and not a major security threat. Fears of armed Islamist movements emerging seem to be overstated, regularly for political ends. But there is a clear and present danger they will take on a role in inter-communal clashes if the conflict continues to infringe upon their safety.

Tamil Sinhalese also targeted Muslims

When Muslims were heaved upon miseries by the vindictive LTTE, the non-Tamil Sinhalese leaders too targeted the Muslims. During the period the Sinhalese leadership had been instrumental in instigating the Sinhalese masses to attack Muslim lives and property. The racial riot of 1915 was the first major episode in the Lankan history when Sinhalese animosity towards the Muslims was violently expressed. The most celebrated Sri Lankan Buddhist evangelist of that time, Anagarika Dharmapala, was a leading campaigner against Muslim presence in the country. He (just like any other RSS leader in India) termed Muslims as 'aliens' and 'foreigners' who according to him, deserved to be deported to Arabia. Although Dharmapala is long dead, but the echo of his views can still be heard during times of Sinhala-Muslim tension. Many among the Sinhalese Muslims believe that the Muslim domination in business in the country should be reversed. Both the spiritual and secular branches of the Sinhalese middle class share this view, and it cannot be denied that most of the communal violence against the Muslims has had economic overtones.

Sri Lankan Muslims not fundamentalists

Till date there is no interest among Sri Lankan Muslims in fundamentalist versions of Islam, although there have been some negligible violent clashes between orthodox and Sufi movements. But this hostility remained limited and most Muslims show considerable lenience to other sects and faiths. Nevertheless, the conflict is at least partly responsible for some Muslims channeling their frustrations and identity issues into religious disputes.

Almost all Muslim peace proposals remain dependent on the politics of the major Tamil and Sinhalese parties. Whereas most of the times the government evades consultation with ethnic minorities (including the Muslims) and do not seem to include significant devolution of powers to local communities.

The war crimes

Apart from occasional ceasefires, from the 1980s through May 2009, the civil war raged across the country and the government along with the increasingly authoritative LTTE got engaged in widespread violence, often against defenseless civilians. Lankan forces are believed to be behind thousands of forced disappearances of Tamils (both Hindus and Muslims), mostly in the north and east. War crimes by both sides (the govt forces and the LTTE) in the last year of fighting may have contributed to as many as 40,000 Tamil civilian deaths. But it’s a big relief that the LTTE, the most dreaded terrorist outfit of south Asia, which took the life of our former Prime Minister Shri Rajiv Gandhi, is now extinct in Sri Lanka. The organization which killed and maimed lives of thousands of Sinhalese and Tamil Muslims, spread terror across the island carried out suicide bombings and attacked civilian targets, especially in Colombo and the villages bordering the Tamil-speaking Muslims in the north and east of the island country. These “border villages” suffered enormously during the conflict. Some of the major LTTE incidents include the 1985 attack at the Sri Maha Bhodiya in Anuradhapura, where it murdered more than 100 Buddhist pilgrims, the 1996 suicide truck bombing of the Central Bank in Colombo in which over 70 people died, the 1998 suicide truck bombing at the Buddhist Temple of the Tooth in Kandy, and the 2008 suicide bombing at the Colombo Fort railway station. The Tamil rebels also eliminated many political leaders, which include Sri Lankan deputy defence minister Ranjan Wijeratne in1991, President Ranasinghe Premadasa in 1993 and foreign minister Lakshman Kadirgamar in 2005.

There is hardly any doubt that the LTTE was an evil organization whose leadership had no reservations about killing Sinhalese civilians or Tamil political opponents ( including the unfortunate Muslims) to serve its own political and personal ambitions. At the same time many Tamils in Sri Lanka and abroad perceived that the LTTE was the only group that stood for them and presented their demands to the government and the majority Sinhalese population that had repeatedly targeted the Tamils. The complex 30-year relationship between the LTTE and the Tamil civilians cannot be judged by the government’s simple “with us or against us” paradigm, particularly after such a brutalizing and humiliating victory.

In the country's interest Sri Lanka continued their offensives against the LTTE, until the rebel group was literally wiped off. But the government is yet to pay any attention to the rights of the civilians. It was expected that The Sri Lankan government would set up camps, to provide shelter to thousands of innocent civilians fleeing the war zone. But it never happened. Post-conflict efforts to bring societies together are always burdened with difficulties, particularly in cases of deep racial division. In Sri Lanka the challenge is even greater, because the government denies that ethnicity was the driving factor behind the civil war. After all conflicts, issues of reconciliation and accountability arise. The Lankan government has tried to collapse the two and has said that both can be dealt with through domestic mechanisms. Reconciliation is a more forward-looking process of healing divisions between and within communities.

The way ahead for Sri Lanka

Although reestablishing of cordial relations after long periods of conflict never happens quickly. And in Sri Lanka there is a serious risk that it may not happen at all. The government’s intransigence and triumphalism a full two years after declaring victory over the LTTE has meant the country is yet to see any semblance of compromise or inclusiveness for both the Tamil Hindus and Tamil Muslims. To avoid an eventual return to violence, the government must change course drastically. The 30-year emergency needs to come to an end, and government repression of the media and political opponents must stop. Restoring the rule of law and accountability in the island is essential, as is a political settlement to provide real devolution of power. Attention must also be paid to the many victims of these three decades of war and political violence from all three main ethnic groups – Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims. Indeed, rebuilding relations among those communities and getting to a point where each has some real understanding of what the others have gone through should be a central goal. All of this will take years, but the sooner the process starts it’s better for the country- the chances of resumption of another conflict will be less and less.

(The author is Member, Advisory Committee, Airport Authority of India (NSC), Ministry of Civil Aviation, Government of India)

Courtesy:

http://twocircles.net/2012mar29/sri_lanka%E2%80%99s_muslims_caught_crossfire%E2%80%A6.html?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+Twocirclesnet-IndianMuslim+%28TwoCircles.net+-+Indian+Muslim+News%29

India on Crossroads



Dr Mohammad Manzoor Alam views on the policy paralysis in New Delhi.


Over the last couple of weeks the country seems to have gradually slipped into a deeper and deeper political inertia. This is far more evident in the corridors of power in New Delhi than anywhere else.

It’s quite natural that the country’s malaise should be more evident in the national capital than at any other place in India. If you look close you find government making one faux pas after another embarrassing faux pas.

From foreign policy to law-making in Parliament, on no count the government’s actions (and inaction) looks convincing. Important foreign policy moves have been made incorrectly. The country was caught napping while a coup of sorts was being staged in neighbouring Maldives.

This act of omission was compounded by an act of commission, the Indian vote against Sri Lanka in the UN for alleged violation of human rights. Little thought was given to the fact that Indian armed forces have been condemned for similar breaches of human rights violations in the UN in not so distant past.

Important legislation has been pending in Parliament, without the government or Opposition being overly concerned about this.

The disarray and demoralisation is not restricted to the Congress Party and its allies in the UPA, but extends to BJP and its allies. The paralysis of will is total.

As the economy is stalling and decisive action on virtually every issue is being avoided, another scam involving Rs 200,000 crore has surfaced. This swindle involves Muslim Waqf property. Add to this the gathering pace of arrests of Muslim youth, most of the time arbitrary or on flimsy grounds.

Consider in this context the devastating effect of the Army Chief going public with a declaration on the weaknesses of the armed forces at a time when a BRICS summit is on. The Army Chief’s conduct is a new low in the annals of indiscipline in armed forces. In the face of all this, the government is sitting pretty instead of acting quickly to limit the damage. We are passing through a particularly dark moment in the country’s life. It is time to pray for the nation.
 g