Ram Puniyani
 |
| Khaleda Zia |
The acts of violence led by
the Islamists, Jamaat-i-Islami (JI) are tormenting our neighboring Bangla Desh,
more than 50 dead, injuries and destruction of Hindu, Budhha temples amongst
other losses. Its spill over is also being felt in Kolkata to some extent
(Feb-March 2013). In Kolkata a strong crowd owing allegiance to Muslim
communalism, different organizations like Minority Youth Federation, and others
went on rampage. All this in response to the death sentence given to Delawar
Hossian Sayedee, the Vice President of JI by a war crimes tribunal after he was
found guilty for mass killing, rape and atrocities during the nine month war
against Pakistan.
He is the third office bearers
of JI to have been convicted of the crimes during Muktijuddha (liberation
war) of 1971 of the then East Pakistan people’s resistance against the
atrocities of Pakistan army. Sheikh
Hasina Government has set up the tribunal from last three years and now the
verdicts of the tribunal are being handed down. Currently in Bangla Desh a
large number of youth, believing in democracy are demanding stricter action through
protest at Shahbagh against those who were hands in glove with Pakistan army
while Jamaat wings are out on streets opposing the sentence to the guilty of 71
liberation war. In India also the Jamaat-Islami has opposed the Shahbag
movement and is opposed to punishing the JI elements that are guilty of 1971
war crimes. JI was opposed to the 1971 liberation war led by Mukti Bahini under
the leadership of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and supported by most of the people
from Bangla Desh. The attack by Pakistan army led to the killing of nearly
three million people, rape of nearly 200000 women, by rough estimates. During
this period the East Pakistan’s intellectuals and many political workers were
done to death.
The tragedy of partition has
a long and painful tale, which is refusing to die down even now more than six
decades after the painful event. India was partitioned on the strange ground,
Pakistan in the name of Islam and India as a secular democracy, apparently to
solve the communal problem. British have left a long and painful legacy of
politics in the name of religion, violence in the name of religion, which is
continuing to dog the sub-continent. The twin pillars of success of British
policy of ‘divide and rule’ were the persistence of feudal classes, in the face
of rising industrialization and the deliberate British ploy to recognize Muslim
League as the representatives of Indian Muslims right since its formation in
1906. Muslim League was initially formed by the declining sections of Muslim
Nawabas, Landlords and later was joined by the section of Muslim educated
classes and elite. In no way it represented Indian Muslims. Similarly the Hindu
Mahasabha, the body parallel to Muslim League, came up from amongst the Hindu
Rajas, Jamindars and later joined in by the section of educated classes and
elite castes. Their agenda was totally opposed to the one of Liberty, Equality
and Fraternity, which was the foundation of freedom movement of the country.
There are lot of parallels
between both these communal streams (Muslim and Hindu), they could join hands in
forming coalition ministries in Sindh and Bengal just before the partition,
they kept aloof from freedom movement and opposed the social transformation of
caste and gender relations of the society. Their lip service to some social
reforms notwithstanding, they stuck to the status quo in matters pertaining to
social norms and political relations.
After partition the Pakistan
(East and West) came to be dominated by the West Pakistan economic and
political elite who occupied important positions in the army, bureaucracy,
economy and polity. In the elections held in 1970 the Awami League (East
Pakistan) led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman swept the polls, and emerged as the
majority party in Pakistan. Still, army backed by Zulfiqar Bhutto did not
permit the formation of Awami League Government. Here one can see the
difference between religion and politics. While Islam calls for ‘all men are
bothers’ the politics in the name of Islam coming from Pakistani regime,
discriminated not only against people of other religions, Hindus in particular,
but also against the others Muslims. Muslims of East Pakistan were being dominated
and suppressed by the dominant ‘Muslims’ of West Pakistan.
With Awami League being
denied the formation of Government and in the absence of democratic channels of
protest, alienation grew in East Pakistan and Mujibur Rahman launched civil disobedience
movement. Massive protest erupted all over in East Pakistan and Pakistani army,
cracked down on its own citizens. In East Pakistan, army unleashed a reign of
terror; murders and rapes. Hindus and Muslims both were targeted. The citizens from
East Pakistan were regarded as enemies and rampage went on till the Mukti
Bahini, with the help of Indian Army succeeded in defeating Pakistani army to
declare the formation of People’s Republic of Bangla desh.
The formation of Bangla Desh
decisively and irrefutable proved the futility of the theory that Nations are
synonymous with religions, that religion can be the basis of nationalism. The
‘Two Nation theory’ that Hindus and Muslims are two separate nations met its
graveyard in the formation of Bangla Desh. Still the communal elements were not
wiped out from the country and they do keep coming up now and then. We had also
noticed the response of Muslim Communalists from Bangla Desh when they wanted
to march to India, in response to the demolition of Babri mosque. The plight of
minorities in Bangla Desh is pathetic. Many of the Hindus and Muslims became
refugees and came to different parts of the country. Part of this contributed
to the Hindu communalist’s propaganda and creation of scare about Bangla Deshi
immigrants. The issue of sub continental politics has been presented on
communal lines.
Sixty years down the line
the seeds of communal politics which came up from the declining sections of
landlords, were given ideological veneer by section of elite-upper castes, and
were cleverly nurtured by the British. As such actually it was these communal elements
that fed in to the British policy of ‘divide and rule’ and led to partition of
the country. In the three countries which emerged in the subcontinent, the
degree of communal poison today; is of course very different in intensity.
Pakistan suffered maximum at the hands of colonial-imperialist powers, the
minorities there, Hindus and Christians are having intimidating time. In
Pakistan the army has become the ally of communal forces and keeps opposing the
democratic aspirations of large sections of society. In Bangla Desh, the
democratically rooted parties have to face opposition from the communal elements.
India, not to be left behind
is being gradually weekend by the Hindu communalists, who have been harping on
the identity issue like Ram Temple. They have given communal hue to the ‘left
over’ problems of colonial rule. Bangla Desh is seen as the source of infiltrators,
despite the fact that the poor Hindus and Muslims who fled the country in 1971
had to leave to escape the brutality of Pakistan army. Kashmir, which again
partly is a leftover colonial parting kick supplemented by the ultra
nationalism of Pakistan-India on one side and communalism on the other. Tragically
this issue is also seen through the prism of Hindu and Muslim alone.
Thus all the three countries
in the subcontinent have to grapple with this communal demon. To obfuscate the
difference between religion and politics has been the biggest ‘success’
of communalists, cutting across the religious divides. Criticizing these
communalists can easily give you a label of being against that religion. Does
it need a rethink on the part of the democratic people of these countries to
collaborate with each other to bury the demon of communalism, politics in the
name of religion? Will communalists, who are dominating the scene in India, or Pakistan
or Bangla Desh let it happen? Communalists are adept at creating the tempest of
hysteria in the name of their religions, and can do the intense breast beating
that the secular democratic efforts are a threat to their ‘religion. The task to
save or promote democracy in the subcontinent is a mammoth one. Can those
elements yearning for a freedom and democracy in the sub continent come
together on this agenda?
-
Issues in Secular Politics
II March 2013
Response only to
ram.puniyani@gmail.com
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